By Marisa von Bülow

Construction Transnational Networks tells the tale of the way a large team of civil society firms got here jointly to contest unfastened exchange negotiations within the Americas. in keeping with examine in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the U.S., and Canada, it deals a whole hemispheric research of the production of civil society networks as they engaged within the politics of exchange. the writer demonstrates that almost all powerful transnational actors are those with powerful household roots and that "southern" organisations occupy key nodes in alternate networks. The fragility of activist networks stems from adjustments within the household political context in addition to from features of the agencies, the networks, or the activities they adopt. those findings improve and recommend new understandings of transnational collective motion.

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Additional resources for Building Transnational Networks: Civil Society and the Politics of Trade in the Americas

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Emerging forms of transnational collective action cannot be understood as independent of political contexts. Even among those CSOs that have struggled to build common pathways to transnationality since the 1990s, the fragility of agreements is clearest when actors perceive that new windows of opportunity for negotiating concrete proposals on their own have opened. An approach that is sensitive to the political embeddedness of actors helps in further understanding the different choices made by similar organizations across countries and through time, and in exploring the potentialities and pitfalls of transnational collective action.

S. CSOs. 9 Civil Society Organizations and Their Pathways 2005: 234). That being true, it has become more relevant to understand how actors with various policy interests may (or not) come together in collective action. Perhaps more than any other negotiating arena, trade offers the possibility of studying the dynamics of interaction among differently situated actors. In the process of creation of a global trade regime, the agendas of negotiations have expanded greatly, and new actors have become interested in challenging or supporting these efforts.

Furthermore, at least one of the countries studied had to be a developed country, because of the focus of this research on power relations within networks and North–South interactions. 9 For example, the editors of the influential Global Civil Society Yearbook have emphasized the concentration of “global civil society” in northwestern Europe and in OECD countries (Anheier et al. 2001; Anheier and Themudo 2002). For a critique of this argument that is very much in tune with the empirical fi ndings of this book, see Friedman et al.

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