By Alan Cooper
From the time of Alfred the good until eventually past the top of the center a while, bridges have been very important to the rulers and folks of britain, yet they have been pricey and hard to keep up. Who then was once answerable for their maintenance? the reply to this query adjustments over the centuries, and how during which it adjustments finds a lot approximately legislation and gear in medieval England. the improvement of legislations about the upkeep of bridges didn't stick with a simple line: criminal principles built by means of the Anglo-Saxons, which had made the 1st age of bridge development attainable, have been rejected by way of the Normans, and royal legal professionals of the 13th and fourteenth centuries needed to locate new strategies to the matter. The destiny of well-known bridges, specifically London Bridge, indicates the best way the religious, ancient and entrepreneurial mind's eye was once pressed into carrier to discover options; the destiny of humbler bridges indicates the urgency with which this challenge used to be debated around the state. via focusing on this element of functional governance and tracing it during the process the center a long time, a lot is proven in regards to the barriers of royal strength and the creativity of the medieval felony brain. ALAN COOPER is Assistant Professor of heritage at Colgate college.
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Extra info for Bridges, Law and Power in Medieval England, 700-1400
130 St Cuthbert before entering Melrose interrupted his life as a shepherd with periods serving as a soldier; Imma survived the Battle of the Trent in 678 by claiming to his captors that he was not a soldier but one of the poor folk who, while not expected to fight, were expected to follow the army with supplies; Brooks, ‘Military Obligations’, p. 74n. 131 John, Land Tenure in Early England, pp. 44–6, 73–4; Brooks, ‘Military Obligations’, p. 74nn; Brooks does not refer explicitly to the first passage from the letter, but his remarks may be taken to apply to both.
74n. 131 John, Land Tenure in Early England, pp. 44–6, 73–4; Brooks, ‘Military Obligations’, p. 74nn; Brooks does not refer explicitly to the first passage from the letter, but his remarks may be taken to apply to both. 132 See, however, the following of John’s argument in Richard P. Abels, Lordship and Military Obligation in Anglo-Saxon England (Berkeley, 1988), pp. 43–57, esp. pp. 52–3. 133 Brooks, ‘Military Obligations’, p. 77. 134 B99 (S20); Brooks, ‘Military Obligations’, p. 75 and note. 137 It seems therefore that the Gumley charter of 749 represents one part of a wider process to define the Church’s immunity from secular interference.
Instead, he suggests that the charters were silent with regard to exclusion of the common burdens from the immunity, because ‘their immunities and their limitations 103 Stevenson, ‘Trinoda 104 B50 (S230). 105 Stevenson, ‘Trinoda 106 Necessitas’, p. 691. Necessitas’, pp. 692–7. For an example of a textbook using the phrase, see H. R. Loyn, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest (Harlow, 1962), p. 125; or idem, The Governance of Anglo-Saxon England, 500–1087 (London, 1984), pp. 33–4: ‘there gradually emerged in the written records of the eighth century references to a combination of charges upon estates that were later known as the trimoda or trinoda necessitas, the three necessities’.